maubere digital army

Socrates, McCarthy’s Ghosts and Soeharto’s Demons
Juli 15, 2006, 11:01 am
Filed under: Catatan Dari Dili, Notes From Dili

Rahung Nasution

Sacred spirits and departed souls, wake up and and look at this People! The bones scattered around the land, stand up; the blood shed all over the land, unite and see those who want to destroy this people and who want to continue to subject this people to suffering and let the people die. Show yourselves up, show [ us] your strength! I, your son, am here, demanding you to look after these people, to liberate them from power of those who are bloodthirsty.

Speech of President Xanana Gusmão on 22 June 2006

I just learned that a president, it turns out, doesn’t just look after a country, but he also has the powers to rally otherwordly beings.

But if Socrates visited Dili three weeks ago, he would not have found awoken spirits of patriots coming down from Mount Matebean. And there was no souls of Santa Cruz martyrs roaming the streets.

It could just be that in front of Palacio do Governo, Socrates would be shocked to find tanks and foreign troops, and gangs of angry youths with banners cursing rather than voicing political demands: ”Alkatiri Laos Ema, Nia Diabo”—Alkatiri is not Human, He is Devil. There, also, rebel soldiers leading demonstrations. Elderly and little children paraded in trucks around the city. Some carried Australian flags: “Alkatili Komunista!”, “Alkatili Telolista!”, “Atuun Alkatili!”

More creative banners showed Alkatiri as half-animal with a human head (not exactly a Greek god), locked in a doggy style with the former Interior Minister Rogério Tiago Lobato. In another Alkatiri is pictured commanding chicken and rabbits.

This young republic is surely rumbling. Earlier, June 22th on RTTL, President Xanana Gusmão was fabling: “In 1989, while I was in Ainaro, I received a letter from Rogério Lobato accusing all those overseas of doing nothing, and also stated that once the war was over, everyone should be subjected to a public tribunal. It was Rogério who informed me, through that same letter, that Marí Alkatiri was busy caring for his rabbits and chickens in Maputo.”

Socrates did not believe that small people, the Maubere in Fretilin vernacular, similar to the Marhaen in Sukarno’s vocabulary, could participate in politics. But in the 19th century, that bushy guy Marx suggested a revolution led by vagrants, the proletariat. “Proletariats of the world, unite!”

Various experiments followed—the Soviet Marxist-Leninist model, China a la Mao Zedong, Nicaragua with the Sandinistas, and so on and so forth.

And then the awkward Soviet model collapsed and supporters of Sandinista in Nicaragua had to accept defeat: “We were born poor and will be satisfied dying poor. We never get in bed with power,” said Daniel Ortega in 1990, refusing to feel sorry about the democratic vote that ended Sandinista’s 10 years in power.

Mari Alkatiri, accused by the gangs that unseated him as “Terrorist” and “Mozambiquean Marxist,” is clearly no Ortega. In Timor-Leste, there is no proletariat referred to in the Communist Manifesto. And the Maubere are not Sandinista who won power through revolution by mobilizing armed farmers from their Central American mountainous bases. To each his own steppes, fields, mountains, gardens, trees, rocks, goats…

But Marxism-Leninism was once inherent to Fretilin indeed: in 1977, when Xanana Gusmão was a member of the Central Committee. That ideological orientation was later abandoned because it ran out of fashion. It was never clear why that ideology was chosen in the first place anyways. A lot of it is still cloudy.. All we knew then was to carry on with the guerilla while negotiating and bringing all sides—who fought each other in 1975—to sit together in CNRM-CNRT, Unidade Nasional. And lest we forget, Alkatiri was among the designers of CNRT Magna Carta.

Nowadays, even if there are individuals or political parties in Timor-Leste that are somehow connected to Marxism-Leninism, it would be the Timor Socialist Party (PST) who has exactly one seat in the Parliament—and that one seat had to be squeezed out of Fretilin’s vote leftovers.

In a CAVR public hearing two years ago, Alkatiri said “I am a social-democrat.” Sympathetic Australian academics, Tim Anderson and Helen Hill, say that Alkatiri is an economic nationalist: a person who fights for his nation’s economic sovereignty and opposes foreign economic domination. But the bigwig of Australian Democratic Socialist Party, who has close ties with PST, Max Lane, thinks that he “is just like Ramos-Horta. Nationalist doesn’t mean anti-imperialist!”

Whatever Alkatiri is, he became Prime Minister because Fretilin won democratic elections facilitated by the United Nations in 2001. He was then forced to step down by a minority opposition and a group of deserter soldiers, amidst accusations of arming civilians, and being both a terrorist and a communist. The world stood silent and the former comandante da luta, President Xanana Gusmão, bestowed his blessing, even encouraged Alkatiri’s resignation.

“I am willing to resign so that the President will not… .” Alkatiri, indeed no valiant Ortega.

It seems that Alkatiri could do no right. Apparently, in a country where cockfighting is popular, someone has just cast a fistfull of corns towards the eager cocks. The loser will most definitely be slaughtered. Perhaps because this peculiar cock once fought in Mozambique, the meat is not so tasty, hence only worthy of a trash bin!

And the majority Fretilin party appears wounded, forced to accept the clearly undemocratic reality. The constitution of this state does say it’s a ‘democratic’ country. So now political parties are peddling democracy to people who number less than one million.

But had Socrates visited Dili in April, perhaps he would become suspicious of democracy even more. Pungent stench hung in the air. First, rumors of a civil war were passed around, through SMS. Then provocative pamphlets began appearing. And then bullets began flying in the outskirts of Dili. Soldiers dead. Police slaughtered. People fleeing their homes.

Then hit-lists of politicians began circulating. Then lists of people keeping guns. Terror soon began ogling, sniffing: “Are you Lorosae or Loromunu?”; “Iraq or America”; “Firaku or Kaladi”; “There are guns in that house”; and finally “Fretilin pro Alkatiri?”

My friend Socrates, since you did not come to visit Dili from times before Christ, I only want to tell you: “Living in this century, democracy is something we cannot avoid. And very often we choose to betray it. If life was wrinkles of fiction, I would like to write a chapter about your visit to a city of ghosts.”

It was the 1950’s. In a continent called America (land of the free), Senator Joseph McCarthy became wary of ghosts creeping into the American society. Artists, journalists, activists, academics, were bewitched by these ghosts. Then in 1960’s, as if rising out of the netherworld, these ghosts began roaming in the Dutch-East Indies, which was then already known as Indonesia.

In a rich country where the majority of its population is poor, these ghosts faced uniformed demons led by General Soeharto producing a calamitous number of victims. Some say between 500 thousand to one million lives were slaughtered in the course of three months, mostly sympathizers of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI)— once the largest, and legal, partywhich was later cursed and banned. They say the reason Indonesian military invaded Timor-Leste was also because this former Portuguese colony was plagued by these communist ghosts. It is rather curious that in 2006, in independent Timor-Leste, these ghosts can roam once again.

And Socrates, my friend, I just learned that this ghost, it turns out, has a new ally—terrorists!


Rahung Nasution

Roh-roh suci dan jiwa-jiwa yang telah pergi, bangun dan perhatikan rakyat! Tulang-tulang yang tersebar di tanah, berdirilah; darah yang telah ditumpahkan di seluruh negeri, bersatulah lagi dan lihat siapa yang mau menghancurkan rakyat ini dan siapa yang mau terus membuat rakyat ini menderita dan membiarkan rakyat mati. Tunjukkan diri kalian, tunjukkan [kepada kami] kekuatan kalian! Aku, anakmu, di sini, menuntutmu untuk memperhatikan rakyat ini, untuk membebaskan mereka dari kekuasaan mereka yang haus darah.
– Pidato Presiden Xanana Gusmao pada 22 Juni 2006

Aku baru tahu, seorang presiden, ternyata, bukan hanya mengurus negara, tapi juga punya kekuasaan untuk memerintah mahluk-mahluk yang tak terlihat.

Tapi jika Socrates, yang hidup di abad sebelum Masehi, berkujung ke Dili tiga minggu yang lalu, dia tidak akan menemukan arwah-arwah para patriot yang bangkit dari gunung Matabean. Juga tidak ada roh-roh para martir dari makam Santa Cruz yang berkeliaran di jalanan.

Bisa jadi, di depan Palacio Governu, Socrates akan terkejut bertemu tank-tank tentara asing, gerombolan pemuda yang marah dengan spanduk-spanduk, yang lebih tepat disebut caci-maki daripada tuntutan politik: ”Alkatiri Laos Ema, Nia Diabo”—Alkatiri Bukan Manusia, Dia Setan. Juga ada tentara pemberontak yang memimpin demonstrasi, kakek-nenek dan anak-anak kecil yang diangkut dengan truk keliling-keliling kota, ada yang membawa bendera Australia: “Alkatili Komunista!”, “Alkatili Telolista!”, “Atuun Alkatili!”

Pada adegan selanjutnya, Socrates akan melihat Alkatiri yang digambarkan berbadan separoh binatang berkepala manusia (bukan seperti dewa-dewi Yunani), sedang melakukan adegan sexual (doggie style) dengan mantan Menteri Dalam Negeri Rogério Tiago Lobato. Ada juga spanduk yang menggambarkan Alkatiri sedang memerintah ayam dan kelinci.

Rupanya republik yang muda ini sedang bergemuruh. Sebelumnya di televisi RTTL, 20 Juni, Presiden Xanana Gusmao, berkisah: “Tahun 1989, ketika saya di Ainaro, saya menerima surat dari Rogério Lobato yang menuduh semua yang di luar negeri tidak melakukan apa-apa, dan juga mengatakan bahwa kalau perang sudah selesai, semua orang harus diajukan ke pengadilan rakyat. Rogério Lobato yang memberi tahu saya, melalui surat tersebut, bahwa Marí Alkatiri sibuk memelihara kelinci dan ayam di Maputo”.

Jika tiga minggu yang lalu Socrates berkunjung ke Dili, berpas-pasan dengan knalpot-knalpot motor yang meraung-raung dan bertemu dengan ribuan pengungsi yang meninggalkan rumah, apa kiranya yang dia pikirkan tentang demokrasi?

Socrates tidak percaya bahwa rakyat kecil, kaum maubere dalam istilah Fretilin dan mirip marhaen dalam istilah Soekarno, bisa dilibatkan dalam partisipasi politik. Namun di abad ke-19, si brewok Karl Marx, mengajurkan revolusi kelas yang dipimpin kaum gembel, kaum proletar. “Bersatulah kaum buruh sedunia!”

Partai-partai komunis, yang jadi pelopor kaum proletar mencoba berbagai experimen—model Marxist-Leninist Soviet, Cina ala Mao Zedong, Nicaragua dengan kaum sandinista dan seterusnya dan seterusnya.

Kemudian model negara Soviet yang dipaksakan runtuh dan pendukung sandinista di Nicuaragua harus menerima kekalahan: “Kami lahir miskin dan akan puas mati miskin. Kami tidak pernah kawin dengan kekuasaan,” Daniel Ortega, pada tahun 1990, tidak meratapi pemilu demokratis yang mengakhiri 10 tahun kekuasaan sandinista yang terus-terusan diganggu oleh kalangan oposisi, blokade ekonomi dan milisi bersenjata Contra yang dibiayai Amerika dan dilatih CIA.

Mari Alkatiri yang dituding komplotan yang mendongkelnya sebagai “Teroris” dan “Marxist Mozambique”, jelas bukan Daniel Ortega. Di Timor-Leste, tidak ada kaum proletar seperti yang dimaksud Manifesto Komunis. Kaum maubere juga bukan sandinista yang memenangkan kekuasaan melului jalan revolusi dengan mengorganisir petani-petani bersenjata dari basisnya di pegunungan Amerika Tengah. Masing-masing punya stepanya sendiri, ladang-ladangnya, gunung-gunungnya, lubuk-lubuknya, pohon-pohonnya, batu-batunya, kambing-kambingnya—yang masing-masing berbeda.

Timor-Leste, bekas koloni Portugis, merdeka karena dukungan rakyat terhadap perjuangan kemerdekaan itu sendiri. Mungkin banyak orang di Indonesia menganggapnya sebagai kecerobohan Habibie sambil melupakan kebrutalan tentara Indonesia selama 24 tahun pendudukan. Memang ada perjuangan melalui bedil dan yang tersisa setelah penghancuran basis-basis perjuangan di awal tahun 1980an, hanya sekian ratus pucuk pada gerilwayan Falintil. Kemudian ada frente klandestina, frente diplomatica dan demonstrasi-demonstrasi yang diorganisir pemuda dan mahasiswa—di Dili, di pulau Jawa dan juga di tempat-tempat lainnya.

Tapi, Marxis-Leninis memang pernah menempel pada Fretilin. Tahun 1977, saat itu Xanana Gusmao merupakan salah satu anggota Komite Sentral. Orientasi ideologi ini kemudian ditinggalkan karena tidak lagi uptodate. Belum jelas juga kenapa ideologi ini pernah dipilih. Masih banyak yang kabur. Masih banyak yang buram dan lembaran sejarah belum mengungkapkannya. Yang kita ketahui kemudian adalah bergerilya sambil negosiasi dan menghimpun segala kekuatan—yang pernah bertikai di tahun 1975—untuk duduk bersama dalam CNRM-CNRT, Unidade Nasional. Dan kita tidak boleh lupa, Alkatiri merupakan salah satu penggagas Piagam Magna Charta CNRT.

Sekarang, kalaupun ada individu atau partai politik di Timor-Leste yang masih berhubungan dengan Marxisme-Leninisme, itu adalah Partai Sosialis Timor (PST) yang mendapat satu kursi di Parlemen—dan kuota untuk mendapat satu kursi itu, harus didongkrak dari sisa-sisa suara yang diperoleh Fretilin. Sekarang kita tidak tahu, apakah di Timor-Leste, Marxisme-Leninisme juga merupakan satu dosa pikiran, akan diharamkan seperti di Jaman Orde Baru?

Pada public hearing CAVR dua tahun yang lalu, “Saya pengikut sosial-demokrat,” begitu Alkatiri pernah mengungkap. Akademisi Australia, Tim Anderson dan Helen Hill dengan bersimpatik mengatakan Alkatiri nasionalis ekonomi. Seorang yang memperjuangkan kedaulatan negaranya dan nenentang dominasi kekuatan asing. Tapi gembong Democratic Socialist Party (DSP) Australia, yang punya hubungan dekat dengan PST, Max Lane, menuding “Alkatiri sama saja dengan Ramos-Horta. Nasionalis tidak berarti anti imperialis!”

Siapapun Alkatiri, ia menjadi perdana menteri karena Fretilin memenangkan pemilu yang demokratis yang difasilitasi PBB, di tahun 2001. Kemudian dipaksa mundur oleh kalangan minoritas oposisi dan sekelompok tentara yang memberontak. Dituduh mempersenjatai sipil, teroris dan komunis. Dunia bungkam dan mantan comandante da luta Presiden Xanana Gusmao merestui, bahkan yang menganjurkan pengunduran Alkatiri.

“Saya bersedia mundur agar presiden tidak mengundurkan diri…” memang Alkatiri tidak segagah Ortega dan dunia pun tidak terharu seperti menyaksikan kekalahan yang diterima kaum sandinista.

Bagi sebagian orang, sepertinya apa pun yang dilakukan Alkatiri semuanya salah. Sepertinya, di negeri yang penduduknya gemar menyabung ayam ini, ada yang melempar jagung untuk jago-jago yang siap diadu. Yang kalah jelas akan disembelih. Mungkin karena ayam jagonya pernah bertarung di Mozombique, dagingnya kurang lezat, alot dan keras. Maka ada yang ingin mencapkkannya. Seperti sampah!

Dan partai mayoritas Fretilin, seperti terluka kena panah. Dipaksa harus menerima kenyataan yang jelas-jelas tidak demokratis. Konstitusi negara ini memang menyebut negara ‘demokratis’. Maka partai-partai politik pun berjualan demokrasi kepada penduduk yang jumlahnya tidak lebih dari satu juta manusia.

Namun jika kunjungan Socrates ke Dili di mulai dari bulan April, Socrates mungkin semakin mencurigai demokrasi. Ada semacam bau busuk yang mencemari udara. Awalnya adalah rumor tentang perang saudara yang mampir dikuping, juga melalui SMS-SMS. Lantas muncul pamflet-pamflet hasutan. Kemudian di pinggiran kota Dili peluru bertaburan. Tentara yang mati. Polisi yang dibantai. Penduduk mengungsi dan ketakutan meninggalkan rumah (ada yang dijarah, dibakar dan kemudian diduduki orang lain).

Selanjutnya bereder daftar-daftar politisi yang akan dibunuh. Juga ada dafta-daftar orang-orang yang punya senjata. Lantas teror mengintai-mengendus: “Apakah kamu Lorosae atau Loromunu?”; “Irak atau Amerika”; “Firaku atau Kaladi”; “Di rumah itu ada senjata”; dan akhirnya “Fretilin pro Alkatiri?”

Kawanku Socrates, karena kamu tidak datang berkunjung ke Dili, dari abad sebelum Masehi, aku hanya ingin mengatakan kepadamu: “Hidup di abad ini, demokrasi adalah sesuatu yang tak dapat dihindari. Dan kita lebih sering memilih untuk mengkhianatinya. Seandainya hidup ini merupakan lipatan-lipatan dunia fiksi, aku ingin menulis drama satu babak tentang kunjunganmu ke sebuah kota yang dihuni para hantu. Bukan ke Dili. Namun ke satu kota hantu yang benar-benar dihuni para hantu dan pikiran penduduknya terus-terusan dihantui.

Alkisah, di sebuah benua yang bernama Amerika (tanah air bagi yang merindukan kebebasan), tahun 1950an. Joseph McCarthy, senator Partai Republik mencurigai ada hantu-hantu yang merasuki masyarakat Amerika. Seniman, jurnalis, aktivis, akademisi dituduh atau dicurigai punya hubungan dengan gerakan komunisme, adalah orang-orang yang dirasuki hantu-hantu jahat. Kemudian seperti muncul dari dunia gaib, tahun 1965, hantu-hantu ini gentayangan di Hindia-Belanda yang ketika itu sudah bernama Indonesia.

Di negeri yang kaya dan mayoritas rakyatnya miskin tertindas, hantu-hantu ini berhadapan dengan jin-jin berseragam yang dipimpin Jendral Soeharto, tentu saja mendapat bimbingan CIA, dan kemudian menemukan korbannya yang dahsyat. Ada yang bilang 500 ribu sampai satu juta manusia dibantai dalam tiga bulan. Mereka adalah simpatisan Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), yang ketika itu merupakan salah satu partai legal dan terbesar, atau mereka-mereka yang dicurigai punya hubungan dengan organisasi yang kemudian dikutuk dan diharamkan ini. Konon katanya, militer Indonesia juga menginvasi Timor-Leste karena wilayah setengah pulau yang pernah dijajah Portugis ini, juga sudah dirasuki hantu-hantu komunis.

Cukup aneh, di tahun 2006, ketika Timor-Leste sudah merdeka, hantu-hantu ini bisa gentayangan lagi. Dan Socrates, kawanku, aku juga baru tahu, ternyata hantu ini punya sekutu baru—teroris!


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Ya hantu itu telah merasuki otak dan pikiran Rakyat ini, dan perlu inyahkan dan musnahkan hantu ini dengan, membangkitkan Nasionalisme, Bersatu melawan Imperialisme, VIVA POVO MAUBERERISM………….

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